I had a quick visit with Armstrong & Getty this morning to discuss the UHC CEO murder, America’s reaction thereto, why so much of the ire on this topic is off base, Obamacare’s medical loss ratio mandate, the Medicare cost shift, and some super simple advice on purchasing insurance products.
Since 2009, I’ve been on air with Jack and Joe well over 100 times. It's always an honor to be on their show.
I spent one morning this week chatting with Armstrong and Getty regarding the news that the federal government will finally begin negotiating the price of drugs. 10 of them. Two and a half years from now.
Your health insurance costs and premiums have skyrocketed compared to the rate of inflation since Obamacare passed. Meanwhile, insurance carrier stock prices have grown by 1900% in the same timeframe.
"They're making unimaginable amounts of money... off of you." -Joe Getty
Craig Gottwals, aka "Craig the Healthcare Guru,” talks about that and more in a new episode of A&G's Extra Large Podcast.
Listen to the Armstrong & Getty Extra Large Podcasts featuring Craig.
I read stories like this every week and become
increasingly enraged at the cruel injustice of it.
We Already Have a Socialized
System
The latest studies on the topic show that the American
taxpayer funds 71% of all healthcare in blue states like California. That leaves 29% of healthcare costs funded by
folks paying their own way to pay 224% of what the healthcare industry's
largest customer (the federal government, primarily via Medicare and Medicaid)
pays for the same procedures at the same facilities. Still think that the healthcare you receive
at work is not taxed?
The rampant fraud riddling American healthcare boggles my mind. No, I'm not talking about the
fact that one of every three dollars spent in the Medicare and Medicaid system
is squandered on waste, fraud, or abuse (1). Nor am I lamenting how America's largest
purely socialized system, the Veteran's Administration, is so indifferent to
our veteran's needs that it creates fake appointments at nonexistent clinicsso it can show auditors that the wait times and abject
patient neglect are not as they indeed are.
I'm also not referring to how and why you overpay for prescriptions by
at least 25% to 50%. Pharmacy
benefits are a treasure trove of corrupt pricing, hidden rebates, and shell
games that would expand this post beyond a reasonable length (2).
Instead, I'm talking about the gargantuan tax every
employer and employee (3) pays for the "privilege"
of buying commercial health insurance through the workplace. Because Medicare and Medicaid pay
facilities (4) so meagerlyfor services, hospitals respond by listing retail
or chargemaster prices that are three, four, five, or even ten times as high
for the same procedures at the same facilities.
Below is a 2016 summary of cost data on Medicaid (for low-income) showing that, on average, Medicaid may not even cover the actual cost of
providing services. Generally, Medicare (for the elderly) pays a little better than this in most states.
Source: Understanding Medicaid Hospital Payments and the Impact
of Recent Policy Changes, KFF, 2016.
Your health insurer then negotiates a 50% discount on
that completely phony "price" the facility claims through its
chargemaster in the hopes that employers and employees will be mollified by the
seemingly considerable discount they receive for the privilege of having a
private plan. In the end, private payers
pay a national average of 224% of Medicare and as high as 600% of a hospital's
cost in a state like California.
Does your business get to mark up its products by
600%?
Additionally, those with self-funded plans know that
you are also paying $20 per employee per month for that privilege of getting a
50% discount on a claim that's been fraudulently priced at 500% of Medicare. It is what Dave Chase, writing at Forbes, hypothesized might be "The Greatest Heist In American History."
Here is what that government promise of a $2,500 reduction in family premiums looks like in real life. It is the orange line below. See the massive drop in 2010 and the continued drop over time? Neither do I.
Source: KFF Employer Health Benefits Survey, 2018-2022.
But certainly, our fearless government leaders finally reined in the obscene carrier profits in order to protect the little guy with the passage of ObamaCare, right? Not so much.
Since 2009 the S&P 500 is up 422%.
In that same time, five of the largest health insurer stock prices are up an average of 1,921%.
Source: Yahoo Finance.
Okay, enough of this. I cannot stomach another fact in this vein.
Employers, There is
Another Way
Three Steps to a 40%
Cost Reduction - A HealthCost Revolution
Step 1: if you are too small to engage in any form of self-funding
or partial self-funding, buy as little insurance as possible. The more premium you pay, the more you are
pilfered. You have to get out of that
game. Purchase the highest-priced
deductible plan your insurer offers, then self-fund the amount under that
deductible with a Health Savings Account (HSA) or Health Reimbursement Account
(HRA). If you have less than about 250
employees, depending on your cash flow, industry, and geographic locations,
this might be the best you can do.
Step 2: If you have more than about 250 employees, you
should evaluate whether you can opt out of this fraud entirely, say goodbye to
your insurers, and move to a reference-based pricing (RBP) system whereby you
pay some reasonable margin over the Medicare price. For example, you might pay 120% to 140% of
Medicare. It fundamentally works, is
legally quite creative and astute, and will provide your employees with better
benefits, lower costs, and more freedom.
Is the first step intimidating, potentially rocky, and
one that requires plenty of education? Yes. But making this move will reduce the cost of
your health plan by 20% to 40%.
Step 3: In
conjunction with your move to a self-funded RBP platform, you then must also
take control of your pharmacy coverage via a direct contract with a pharmacy
benefit manager (PBM) or one of the newer consortiums that aggregate numerous
employers under one set of contract terms to maximize the pharmacy discounts
and rebates for you, not an insurer.
This move alone reduces your pharmacy bill by 25% to 50%.
An Inconvenient Truth
Or
should I say a "problematic" reality in the parlance of one of
today's most overused buzzwords? Okay, I'm making myself nauseous again.
If
your broker is not talking to you about what I call the HealthCost
Revolution of:
Getting off of first-dollar insurance plans (i.e. moving to HRAs or HSAs);
Evaluating RBP; and
Getting your Rx out of the carrier world and into a direct PBM contract...
You
need to fire them. Period. Hard stop.
I've
been an attorney for 23 years and a full-time insurance broker for 21. The required education and licensing for
brokers are hysterically ludicrous. In
most states, it takes a one-week course and a junior-high education to become a
licensed broker. Carrier influence
dominates that process as agents-to-be are taught that they have an equal
obligation to their carrier and policyholder.
Future agents are trained that this is some sort of collaborative cuddle
fest in which carriers, employers, and employees all sit around campfires,
roast marshmallows, hold hands and sing Kumbaya.
Oof. I need to step away for a bit. Why do I insist on making myself so
sick?
I
recently created this meme for my team members after a carrier emailed us,
explaining that the carrier did not expect me or my team to market my
employer's policy this year, as asking for quotes every year is not the
"best way to proceed."
Ha!
Best for whom?
Yes,
they are that brazen. They do not partner
with you and are not your friends. Their
job is to maximize revenue, and that means maximizing your premium.
Here
is the reality. Every one of those three
steps in the HealthCost Revolution reduces premiums and adds heaping piles of
work to your broker's plate. The broker will
be giving themselves a pay cut while requiring much more work and expertise. In fact, probably only about 5% to 10% of
brokers in the West are qualified to install and manage a self-funded plan, as
HMOs have been so dominant in the West that few brokers have had the
opportunity to learn what they need to effectively manage this process.
I can
hear some of you out there saying, "That's why we don't pay our broker a
commission; she is on a fee basis."
To
this, I respond, okay, great. At best,
you've capped their pay and will be asking them to do much more work to install
this protocol. Most likely, you are
paying your broker a fee and allowing your carriers to also collect the
commission that should be going to your broker. Yep, Obamacare created that double-dip trap as
well. I wrote how and why that happened
years ago here.
As a
lawyer, my training is to protect my client (policyholder) in all cases. I scoff at the "equal duty to carrier
and employer drivel" and act solely as my employer's advocate. Asking a broker to be the prosecutor, public
defender, and judge in one proceeding is a bad joke.
Our
healthcare system is a convoluted, byzantine myriad of corruption. I cannot stand by and refrain from screaming
from the rooftop. Don't get me wrong. There are plenty of fantastic people in the
healthcare system. In fact, I know that
the vast majority of them are there for the right reasons. They want to help people.
But even good people
cannot save a corrupt system.
That's
right; it’s corrupt. I used to say it
was broken, but it is not. It is
designed this way. We didn't end up here
by accident. If you doubt me, let me
repeat:
Since 2009 the S&P 500 is up 422%.
In that same time, five of the largest health insurer stock prices
are up an average of 1,921%.
The healthcare
industry represents the largest employer and the largest lobbyist in the United
States, spending $700 million lobbying
legislators and regulators every year. It
makes up 18.2% of the U.S. economy. At its highest levels, it is loaded with the shrewdest
operators you can imagine. It uses
artificial intelligence and massive data analytic tools to vacuum up every
conceivable detail about every one of us, as I recently wrote about here: WeaponizingHIPAA privacy.
Furthermore, it is important to note that officials responsible for managing federal agencies tasked with supervising the United States healthcare system frequently transition from their governmental positions to leading roles in the very corporations they once regulated. The term for this phenomenon is "revolving door," which refers to the movement of government officials between public sector roles and private sector positions, often within industries they previously regulated. This repugnant twist enables them to capitalize on their expertise, influence peddling, and skillfully manipulate the governance system for the benefit of their new employers. Recently, The Survival Podcast highlighted this phenomenon through a thought-provoking illustration. Employing humor as a coping mechanism for such prevalent absurdity is essential; without the ability to find levity in these situations, I’d struggle to maintain my sanity.
A light-hearted look at the most recent Revolving Door “swingers.” For a sobering look at the hundreds of these taking place in D.C. visit Open Secrets.
In summary, it is crucial to understand that health insurers do not serve as your friends or allies. When Chief Financial Officers delegate the responsibility of managing health insurance expenses—which frequently rank as the second or third largest cost for employers—to Human Resources departments, they are neglecting their fiduciary duty to minimize costs in a reasonable manner. Human Resources professionals typically lack the legal expertise of attorneys and the financial acumen of finance executives, which further underscores the importance of involving the appropriate personnel in managing these critical expenses.
It is imperative that American businesses take decisive action to reduce healthcare costs by utilizing the innovative tools at their disposal and engaging the most competent consultants or brokers to aid them in this process. Failure to do so could result in the collapse of the employer-based healthcare system, leading to the implementation of a minimal, Medicaid-for-all arrangement. Under such a system, individuals with the means would acquire supplementary coverage, while those without would face extended wait times for necessary care and elective procedures. This will, in turn, prompt the departure of more top-tier providers from the system (5).
It is essential to emphasize that this scenario envisions Medicaid for all, rather than Medicare. Despite the government's willingness to employ quantitative easing measures, injecting trillions of dollars into the economy at a moment's notice, Medicare remains prohibitively expensive—even for a nation with a $32 trillion debt and no hesitation to take on more.
Concluding on a lighthearted note, I would like to share two more memes. As the adage suggests, "A picture is worth a thousand words," so allow me to present an additional 2,000 words of insight.
(1) Malcolm K.
Sparrow, a professor at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard
University whose book License to Steal is a classic in the field, thinks that Medicare’s
fraud-related losses may run “as high as 30 to 35 percent” of its budget. From Chapter 12 in Overcharged: Why Americans Pay Too Much For Health Care, by David A. Hyman and Charles
Silver.
(2) The following is an excerpt from the same book. It is an anecdotal example of just how
corrupt our prescription rules and practices are:
Why do so many eye
doctors use pricier Lucentis when cheaper Avastin is available? You guessed it:
Medicare pays physicians a lot more for using Lucentis. A 2013 Washington Post article explained the
finances.
Under Medicare repayment
rules for drugs given by physicians, they are reimbursed for the average price
of the drug plus 6 percent. That means a
drug with a higher price may be easier to sell to doctors than a cheaper one. In addition, Genentech offers rebates to
doctors who use large volumes of the more expensive drug.
Got that? Medicare pays
doctors far more for administering Lucentis than Avastin to patients with wet
macular degeneration because Genentech charges more for the former than the
latter. Six percent of $2,300 is $138; 6
percent of $60 will barely buy you a white chocolate mocha at Starbucks. Genentech then sweetens the deal by giving
doctors who use large amounts of Lucentis discounts that the doctors get to
keep. It’s easy to see how Medicare put
taxpayers and seniors on the hook for $1.2 billion in payments for Lucentis in
2012. The hard part is explaining why
many doctors, to their credit, continue to use Avastin. The cost to taxpayers and elderly patients
could be much higher.
(3) I write "employer and employee" here to not confuse
folks needlessly while making a different point. But make no mistake; employees pay for every
nickel of this. We often fail to
acknowledge this reality because, on its face, an employer generally deducts
10% to 50% of our healthcare premium and then pays the rest of the bill to the
carrier monthly. However, every single
penny comes from an employee's compensation.
If the employer were not forced to fund those dollars into healthcare,
that remuneration would be provided to employees in the form of pay, other
benefits, time off, or efficiencies resulting in job/employment growth, etc. This is covered expertly in Chapter 1 of
Marshall Allen's book, Never Pay the First Bill.
(4) The same phenomenon exists for providers
(doctors) as well as facilities, but the problem with providers is not nearly
as pronounced as it is with facilities. Roughly
80% of a plan's claims occur with providers, but 80% of costs are generated via
the high-cost services occurring in facilities (primarily hospitals).
(5)
America is projected to have a shortfall of 139,000
physicians by 2033, representing 13% of U.S. providers.
You come to work one day, and notice Susan is not there. Nobody knows what happened to her, and everyone appears oddly tight-lipped about her absence. Finally, you and your coworkers are told she has taken a leave of absence. No other details are given. Attorneys, corporate compliance officers, and human resource personnel have been properly coached as to the myriad of stringent health privacy rules in the workplace, and everyone is rightfully paranoid.
I am reminded of an eccentric law professor I had who relished saying, “No good deed goes unpunished,” whenever discussing the inevitable unintended consequences of legislation or contract terms.
But after 22 years of HIPAA Privacy, I am not even sure the main impetus behind its passage was ever a good deed – at least not for those who have weaponized its use against employers.
The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Privacy Rule was designed to protect individuals’ medical records and other personal health information. However, the latest practices by health insurance carriers raise serious concerns about how they circumvent these rules to maximize premiums. ...
I spent some time with Armstrong and Getty this morning, discussing this story and the hidden tax built into all of our employer plans due to Medicare and Medicaid's chronic inefficiency and underpayment.
My first question was, who is calling for this?
Health insurers or property and casualty insurers, or both?
Turns out it is not the
traditional health insurance market, but accident insurers. I think of accident
insurers as more closely aligned with property and casualty since they pay you
for harm done after the fact instead of covering medical costs as you go. But it doesn’t matter for this analysis; I
just found that interesting.
With young people
spending an increasing amount of time in their own home, the umbrella
association of statutory accident insurers in Germany last year called
for more playgrounds that teach children to develop 'risk competence.’
Insurance lets you purchase a
piece of mind for risks that make you uncomfortable. Ideally, it is for risks you know you cannot cover
alone. Of course, it is also used for
risks that would be too painful to cover, such as if it required you to sell
your home or your fist born. I always start there. Most
white-collar folks who make more than $100K annually should buy the highest
deductible they can stomach for home and auto insurance.
Furthermore, unless an employer
pays for all or most of it, there is no need for dental or vision
insurance. Those are risks we can assess and should have enough savings
to cover. Paying an insurer to do so inserts a middleman, pays them
a profit and leaves you worse off.
What do we need? Medical and
disability insurance. We also may need life insurance if we have
dependents. Eventually, you should get to a point in life where you no
longer need it. I.e., kids out of college, home paid off, some savings in
the bank. At that point, your dependents will be fine with your
assets.
My second question was: why do German accident, property,
and casualty insurers want Germans to be better with risk? My initial
instinct tells me that this was against their interests. Snowflakes
who grow up cringe harder and fear more. Thus, they will buy more
insurance, even if it is irrational. And that generates larger profits
for insurers. But then I realized I was likely thinking too
long-term. Publicly traded corporations
may talk in terms of three to five-year plans, but in reality, they had better
show growth this quarter lest they want to get a public spanking.
The article does go on to state, "children
who had improved their motor skills in playgrounds at an early age were less
likely to suffer accidents as they got older." That does lead one to
believe that this is about profitability. But I still don't fully buy
it. Why? Because as soon as they begin to see more accidents due to
a wincing, flaccid populace, they can justify higher premiums and make more
profit.
Granted, property and casualty
insurers use different loss ratios than health insurers, but the following
analogy illuminates the point. In
America, it is widely accepted that insurers can make a modest and reasonable
profit at an 87% loss ratio. That means the insurer pays 87 cents in
claims for every dollar collected in premium, leaving 13 cents on the dollar to
pay salespeople, train staff, hire administrative folks, pay rent, and pay taxes.
Obamacare's Perverse Unintended
Consequence
In 2009 and 2010, legislators
decided it would be a good idea to regulate the profitability of health
insurers in America. To those ends, Obamacare mandates that large
insurers maintain loss ratios of 85% or more. If not, they must rebate a
portion of the premium to policyholders. The minutia of how those numbers
are calculated and disbursed is mind-numbing, so I'll spare you that here.
This effectively means insurers will
only retain 15 cents on the dollar. And
from that 15 percent, they must pay all business costs. If they miss and come in at an 82% loss ratio
in their state, they must rebate 3% to get to 85%. If they underwrite incredibly lean (and never
do) and hit an 88% loss ratio, they may not even make enough to cover
costs. To be sure, it’s a small eyelet
to thread.
So how does Purple Cross make more
money in this environment? With more
claims, of course! If I only get to keep
15% of a pie, I’d much prefer a billion-dollar pie to a million-dollar
one. So yeah, have at it employer and
employees. Run up as many claims as you
want. We’ll jack premiums and eat
more. Oh, and for good measure, Purple
Cross can also cut things like fraud detection and customer service
training. Those simply eat away at the
15%, and the U.S. market is already an oligopoly, so where will you run to, Mr.
Consumer? Purple Shield, Green Cross,
how about Emperor Wilhelm?
Back to Deutschland
What is really going on in
Germany? I’m not entirely sure. If I take my tinfoil hat off and make an
effort to be altruistic (just for a minute, Ayn. It’s just a thought
experiment!) I might conclude that the
German insurers are genuinely doing what they think is best for their
nation. I mean, it is still possible for
mega-corps to do the right thing for the right thing’s sake, isn’t it?
Just kidding. It is likely something a little deeper. Actuarial tables are complex sets of data
tasking actuaries and, eventually, underwriters with the “art” of assessing
risk. Yeah, it is more of an art than a
science, as much as they want you to believe it is perfectly cold and
calculated. Don’t get me wrong. Their job is, as my buddy Gary would say, “harder than a whore’s
heart.” But there is so much wiggle room
in there that if policyholders knew how the sausage was made, they’d likely go
vegan. And don’t think for a minute
government actuaries do any better. For
example, when Medicare and Medicaid first passed in 1965, government bean
counters told us it would cost $12 billion by 1990. In reality, it was $110 billion.
“Missed
it by that much.”
More recently, Obamacare
originally had long-term care insurance embedded within. But the reality on that line of coverage is
that folks are living so much longer now, in old folks’ homes and in need of
continual care, that the industry still has not come up with a reliable way to
assess this risk. Hence, congress repealed Obamacare’s LTC program before it ever got off
the ground. Californitopia also recently
eliminated its LTC coverage in CalPERS.
The point is, as much as I want to
believe insurers can simply raise premiums to cover increased risk, it’s not
something that easily happens overnight.
And the one thing that insurers hate more than anything is … the
unknown. If they can’t measure and
assess it, they pull the product or jack the rates so high that nobody wants to
buy. Obamacare cemented that trick for American
health insurers:
“If
You Like Your Plan, You Can Keep Your Plan
Sure, you can keep it so long as
you can afford the premium increases, your employer doesn’t change carriers,
and your carrier continues to offer the same obsolete plan even though they are
now required, in every state, to license a whole new litany of plans that comply
with Obamacare’s mandated bloat. Easy
peasy.
The Patient Disruption and
Unaffordable Care Act made a rule that mandated insurers always renew coverage
at year’s end. Pre-2010, your insurer
could cancel you if you had an epically bad year. Obamacare fixed that. Now, carriers issue 75% renewal increases to
accomplish the same thing. Problem
solved.
Conclusion(s)
I’m left with three possible conclusions as I
ponder this story:
1.(1) If German
accident insurers operated under the same warped, public-private partnership (i.e.,
fascistic)
rules as Obamacare, not only would those insurers display indifference toward greater
childhood risk-ignorance, they would foster it. That would lead to more claims and be the only
way German insurers could generate more revenue in the future. Again, 15% of a billion is much better than 15%
of a million. Aren’t price controls
neat?
2.(2) Enough
cynicism. Let me white pill this for a moment.
It is certainly possible that the insurers want what is best for Germany.
And, as they look across the pond to
their WWII liberators, they see what happens when you fastidiously bubble-wrap
your youth in endless layers of protection. It’s not good. Good times are definitely
creating weak men. So, at least on its
face, there is an argument that the Deutschlanders are solely doing what is
right for their youth.
3.(3) This
brings me to my third and most likely conclusion. Germany’s carriers are horrified at the speed
at which the namby-pamby are changing risk calculus. Hence, Germany’s plea to allow more risk and
play on more dangerous playgrounds is more likely tied to the bottom line. It is not our Obamacare analogy or altruism;
instead, it is most like our U.S. long-term care calculus. In their eyes, if people become more paranoid
and want to buy more coverage for perceived risks, great. But let’s not do this overnight because we still
must have some clue as to how to underwrite our precious little snowflakes in
the short term. For a carrier, claim
expansion is great for business over the long haul if it is predictable and can
be ushered in with higher premiums. But the
market will topple when the claims skyrocket in a short enough period (like 1
to 3 years).
Alas, this third conclusion is actually
the scariest. Accident insurers (at
least in Germany) are signaling that the wussification of our youth is
happening so fast, they are not confident in their ability to profit from
it. It’s bad enough that we
bubble-wrapped our snowflakes as we hover over them in helicopters to ensure
nothing bad ever happens. But we’re doing
it so fast that the oligarchs and the oligopoly are worried that our degradation
will infringe upon their ability to plunder from our demise.
I spent a couple of segments on the air with Joe Getty this morning discussing the very latest healthcare cost increases in and out of the exchanges, as well as how employers are fighting back by option out of the Government-Insurer-Complex madness with reference-based pricing.
If you want to read more about reference-based pricing, I wrote about it over at Think Adviser, here.
I visited with Jack and Joe this morning to discuss the latest NYT article on how the Trump Administration's transparency regulations are starting to shed some light on the absolute absurdity of American healthcare pricing. We originally discussed these regulations in 2019 here and here. As the NYT notes, this is a very rare bipartisan effort for regulators and legislators - at least on the surface. But we have a long way to go to make these rules more effective.
Our discussion was cut off before I could answer that last question. The answer is yes. We are still on a path toward some sort of socialized medicine by the end of the 2020s. We cannot sustain this present system much longer.
Yet Medicare, the US’s largest single government-funded program only increases its payment by less than 1% per year.
This leaves large medical systems highly pressured to increase what they negotiate as reimbursement from BUCA (Blues, UHC, Cigna & Aetna – Big 4).
In 2010 Obamacare added a price control to healthcare mandating that insurers like the Big 4 may not keep more than 15% as profit and overhead. I.e., Insurers must prove that they are spending 85% of every dollar we give them on claims as opposed to overhead and profit.
This is called the “MLR” Mandate (Medical Loss Ratio).
The impact of this was to relax insurers’ incentive to keep claim costs down. Why? Because the only way for an insurer to increase revenue is to glow the claims pie. 15% of a $4,000 MRI pays better than 15% of a $1,000 MRI.
So now when giant hospital systems want to inflate prices for any given set of procedures, insurers have a reduced incentive to naturally fight against that inclination because of the bureaucracy.
"Since many of the administrative costs in health insurance are hard to cut out—costs like fraud prevention—insurers will be forced to resort to another option to meet Obamacare’s MLR mandates: premium hikes.
Think of it this way: let’s say you’re charging $10,000 for a health plan, and have $7,000 of health costs associated with that plan (and $3,000 of administrative costs), for an MLR of 70 percent. If you want to increase your MLR to 80%, there are two ways to do it. First, you can cut administrative costs and premiums (if administrative costs were $1,750, and premiums $8,750, $7,000 of health costs would equal an 80% MLR). Second, you can keep your administrative costs the same ($3,000 per person), and find ways to spend more money on health-care, passing on the costs in the form of premium hikes ($15,000 in premiums, and $12,000 in health expenses, would also yield an MLR of 80%).
To put this another way: if an insurer is forced to choose between cutting administrative costs by 42 percent, or not firing its employees and instead hiking premiums by 50 percent, which is it going to choose? After all the fat is trimmed, the insurer is going to choose to increase premiums, and increase them significantly. It will spend money on wasteful health expenditures, the kind that liberal health wonks are always complaining about, just to meet an arbitrary MLR target."
In addition to this, the excessive regulation and government involvement have made it increasingly difficult to have smaller, nimble, price-competitive medical systems and insurers.
And about 16 enormous hospital chains. We’ve moved from a “free market” to a highly bureaucratized oligopoly.
Doctors are not the problem. Individual practitioners are being overrun by this government-healthcare industrial complex nearly as quickly as patients are. Our largest challenges in this area are:
The government;
Insurers;
The pharmaceutical industry; and
Large hospital chains and medical groups
What can we do?
Encourage your congressman to:
support these transparency regulations and legislative efforts;
increase the penalties for hospital failures to disclose the pricing information; and
Employers must look to use smaller, local insurers. Employers with more than 300 to 500 employees should look to self-fund their health plans and remove insurers from the equation entirely. Reference base price your plan if you can.
"But without an individual mandate, the law cannot fiscally balance." - Okay Boomer.
In March 2020, the United States Supreme Court agreed to hear a legal challenge to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). The case involved is Texas v. Azar, a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of PPACA after earlier elimination of the law's individual mandate - the portion of the law requiring all Americans to have health insurance or pay a tax penalty for failing to maintain such coverage.
PPACA Litigation
18 states filed Texas v. Azar after the elimination of PPACA's individual mandate. In December 2017, Congress passed the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which effectively eliminated the individual mandate penalty, effective January 1, 2019, by making the tax penalty for a violation of that mandate $0.
In December 2019, a federal appeals court ruled in the case that the individual mandate is unconstitutional and directed the lower court to determine whether the rest of PPACA can remain in place. Specifically the federal appeals court held that, "the individual mandate is unconstitutional because it can no longer be read as a tax" since the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act reduced the individual mandate penalty to $0. Once the tax was federally prescribed to be $0, the appeals court held that there is no longer any such "tax." In 2012 PPACA was saved at the Supreme Court when the Obama Administration successfully argued that the individual mandate was valid as a tax and that the mandate was essential to the very essence of the law. All people (healthy or ill) must be compelled to purchase health insurance, the argument went, if the law were to have any hope of remaining under its original $1 trillion price tag.
This latest argument by PPACA's opponents picks up on that thread by pointing out that if the individual mandate was absolutely essential to the law (as held by the Supreme Court in 2012) then the law now must be dead since there is no more individual mandate after congress reduced the individual mandate tax penalty to zero.
The Supreme Court previously denied a request from the U.S. House of Representatives and several Democratic-controlled states to review the case on an expedited basis. The Supreme Court has now agreed to hear the case on its regular schedule, based on the argument that the lower court rulings create uncertainty about PPACA’s future. Oral arguments are scheduled for November 10, 2020 and a decision will be issued in the late spring or early summer of 2021.
This is the third time the Supreme Court has reviewed PPACA’s constitutionality. In addition to the 2012 case, in 2015, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of PPACA’s health insurance Exchange subsidies. Impact on PPACA
While this legal challenge is pending, all existing PPACA provisions will continue to be applicable and enforced. This challenge does not impact Exchange enrollment, PPACA’s employer shared responsibility (pay or play) penalties and related reporting requirements, or any other applicable PPACA requirement.
Supreme Court Vacancy
On Sept. 18, 2020, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away at the age of 87. Whether the Court vacancy created by Justice Ginsburg’s death should be filled prior to the November election is the media's controversy de jour.
Under federal law, the President is responsible for nominating a new Supreme Court Justice and the nominee must be confirmed by the U.S. Senate.
President Donald Trump indicates that he plans to nominate a woman to fill the vacancy on Saturday September 26th, and the Senate plans to hold a vote on the nomination. However, a number of Democrats in Congress believe that the nomination process should not take place until after the November election.
Long Term Impact in the States
If confirmed before the election, a new Supreme Court Justice could greatly impact the outcome of Texas v. Azar. It is widely expected that President Trump’s nominee will have a more conservative viewpoint and would be more likely to invalidate PPACA. In contrast, a Supreme Court Justice nominated by Joe Biden would be more likely to uphold the law.
Until a nominee is confirmed, the practical impact of this decision remains to be seen. As a result, employers will want to closely monitor developments related to the Supreme Court nomination, keeping in mind that many states have already passed legislation mirroring PPACA.
California, for example, has passed all of the statutes necessary to mandate employer sponsored coverage, individuals maintaining coverage, prohibitions against pre-existing condition limits, and an insurance exchange. Much of the funding for PPACA, however, comes from the federal government. So a repeal of PPACA would create a whole new plethora of nightmares for states that wish to continue insurance exchanges with subsidies. Massachusetts, New Jersey, the District of Columbia and Vermont have all enacted individual mandates at the state level.
Who Wins?
There are compelling arguments on either side. In a purely legal sense, the law's opponents have the better argument. As stated earlier, this argument underscores that PPACA is only alive today because the Obama Administration argued and the Supreme Court agreed in 2012 that the individual mandate was absolutely essential to the law to PPACA's core operation. To wit, without the mandate, only sick folks will buy coverage, premiums will spiral out of control and the insurance systems undergirding PPACA will crumble. Now that the mandate is dead, the argument goes, the law must also die as contemplated by PPACA supporters and the Supreme Court's prior ruling.
PPACA as passed was projected by the CBO to come in at just under $1 trillion. However, immediately after passage, federal administrative agencies began creating exceptions to PPACA's individual mandate. This was done at the behest of PPACA's supporters in congress and the White House because those politicians realized it was going to be unbelievably unpopular to been seen as the party fining people who could not afford health insurance. At peak political cynicism, there were 32 different "exemptions" to the individual mandate meaning that anyone with a reasonable degree of intelligence could exempt themselves from the mandate. In fact, as it turned out, the mandate only ended up applying to two percent of Americans. I've written about this here and here.
The better practical argument lies with PPACA's proponents. And oddly enough it is exactly their political cynicism and America's complete fiscal dysfunction that supports this notion. In the early stages of 2012, many honestly believed that the individual mandate was essential to PPACA's functional existence. The whole concept of insurance is that we all buy it because some of us will really need it. If we only allowed those who truly need it to purchase it and then compel insurers to sell it to them we end up with the disastrous phenomenon of adverse selection, whereby, the persons who insurers most want to sell to are the last ones to show up to purchase and vice versa.
From 2012 to 2015 something else happened. Federal bureaucrats sitting in administrative agencies like HHS, the IRS and CMS crafted these 30+ exemptions to the individual mandate. At peak lunacy, we had exemptions that eliminated your need to buy health insurance if you received a shutoff notice from a utility company in the last six months (not that your power was actually shut off, just that you received a warning). There was also an exemption in the early years that allowed you to opt out of PPACA's mandate if you tried to log into healthcare.gov and the site was not functional. And my favorite exemption of all was that you didn't have to buy insurance if you "felt" that it was too expensive for you and you had better options elsewhere. Ah, the "feelings" exemption - a rigorous legal test if there ever was one.
All throughout this time, there have been reinsurance mechanisms built into PPACA. Without getting too wonky with insurance terminology this basically means that if the risk moving into PPACA's Exchanges ends up being worse than insurers anticipated, the federal government steps in and shares in those losses. A cynic might call these "baked in bailouts." And these very payments have come under scrutiny as well - but we'll save that for another day.
Beyond these reinsurance payments from taxpayers to insurers, insurance companies are also given fairly liberal leeway to set premiums as high as necessary in order to cover future bad risk. And since 80% of PPACA Exchange buyers are making that "purchase" with taxpayer subsidies, the "buyers" don't care all that much about premium anyway.
So, in a practical sense, why do you need a mandate to make this program fiscally feasible if the federal government is ultimately going to make insurers whole and pay any form of required bloated premiums to keep the system afloat? Therefore we now end up with a PPACA whose 10-year price tag looks more like $2 trillion as opposed to its original $1 trillion. Eleven years ago, when PPACA was born, taxpayers and politicians at least pretended to care about a trillion dollar price tag. That was seen as an incomprehensible sum of money. Now, in the midst of a global pandemic and the worst economic depression in 100 years the $2 trillion of healthcare reform looks like a pittance. Today, half of our country argues for Medicare-for-All at a thirty trillion dollar price tag. And our Treasury Department in conjunction with the federal reserve digitally create and spread out $6 to $9 trillion in pandemic bailouts in the blink of an eye with a few strokes on their keyboards.
So when we circle back to these arguments for and against the validity of the law, those arguing that PPACA must fall because without the individual mandate the law could balloon to twice as much as originally contemplated appear antiquated and well outside of the nation's spendthrift zeitgeist. In a practical sense, we never had an individual mandate. It was an IQ test that 98% of Americans passed with flying colors. And while some thought it may have been necessary for PPACA's function in 2012, 2013-2020 have proven that it is clearly not necessary - all we have to do is throw another trillion at the problem. And then maybe another trillion. Chump change in the fiscal imprudence of today's politician.
Perhaps on November 10th when Justice Thomas points out that PPACA will have no chance of sustaining itself at its original projected price tag without an individual mandate, Justice Kagan will, under her breath, utter, "okay boomer."